One year after Chernobyl, Mikhail Gorbachev announced the creation of “Green Cross International”, an organisation whose president he is still today. It is fighting for the worldwide adoption of the “Earth Charter”, a document drafted in close cooperation with the Rockefellers. Torsten Mann shows in his new book that the real aim of this charter is promoting world communism under the new “global sustainable community” label.
Red Lies in Green Clothes
Torsten Mann: Rote Lügen im grünen Gewand. Der kommunistische Hintergrund der Öko-Bewegung. Kopp Verlag, Rottenburg 2009
(Torsten Mann: Red Lies in Green Clothes. The Communist Origins of the Green Movement)
Torsten Mann, a young German author, living for medical reasons retired somewhere in Southern Germany, became known in 2007 when he published the book “Weltoktober. Wer plant die sozialistische Weltregierung?” (World October. Who is Preparing the Socialist World Government?). In this book, Mann demonstrates that Mikhail Gorbachev’s “Perestroika”, the break down of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet economy is anything but a proof of the victory of Western ideas over collectivism but in reality is the result of a long term communist plan, a consequence of the basic strategic turn that the communist leaders decided in the fifties after Stalin’s death.
Mann founded this conclusion mainly on the analysis of testimonials from a series of Eastern secret service deserters, namely Mikhail Golenievski, Anatoly Golitsyn, Jan Sejna, Ladislav Bittman, Ion Pacepa, Victor Suvorov, Stanislaw Lunev, Yuri Bezmenov and Kanatjan Alibecov. These sources must certainly be exploited with precaution for some of these persons are suspected to be double agents. But other accessible official government documents as well as declarations of Soviet Union’s communist party and alleged dissenter’s writings like especially Andrej Sakharov’s “Manifesto” published in 1968 seem to confirm this point of view.
There is a direct link between Sakharov’s “Manifesto” and Gorbachev’s “Perestroika” policy in the eighties as well as in his green “Manifesto for the Earth” published after the end of his reign, Torsten Mann asserts in his recently published book on the communist origins of green ideology. Sakharov who received the peace Nobel Prize in 1975 was wrongly considered as dissenter in the West, Mann says. In order to justify his call for ending the Cold War by global governance, Sakharov introduced in his programmatic book already all types of ecological scares that became common arguments for a global environment and climate policy by redistribution of wealth and resources later on in the nineties. Long before the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was created, Sakharov already focussed on the growing greenhouse effect supposed to be caused by human made carbon dioxide (CO2). He subsequently pleaded for an eco-tax equivalent to 20 percent of the GDP in all wealthy countries.
Yet Torsten Mann himself points out that American leftist author Murray Bookchin had published similar thoughts already four years before Sakharov. This could demonstrate that there are intrinsic factors in the West leading to collectivist problem definitions and that the green movement could well have been started without the underground work of Eastern secret services. Mann mentions namely the Rockefeller foundations in the USA, which sponsored socialist and green projects all over the world, as well as David and Steven Rockefeller’s intimate friend Maurice Strong who directed the UN environment summits of Stockholm in 1972 and Rio de Janeiro in 1992. There are also personalities like William D. Ruckelshaus, William K. Reilly or Richard E. Benedick who appear as pure products of autochthon US bureaucracy.
Mann shows that Mikhail Gorbachev never changed his communist convictions. He simply replaced Stalinist terror methods by a charming offensive that was launched in February 1986 with the 27th congress of the U.S.S.R.’s Communist Party. The big nuclear accident of Chernobyl that intervened only two month later did not affect the new green image of the soviet leaders. In the year after Chernobyl, Gorbachev announced for the first time the creation of “Green Cross International”, an organisation officially founded in 1992, whose president is still today Gorbachev. “Green Cross International” is fighting for the worldwide adoption of the “Earth Charter”, a document drafted by a special commission in close cooperation with Maurice Strong and Steven Rockefeller and formally presented with the support of Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands on June 29, 2000 at the Peace Palace in The Hague. This event was hardly mentioned in the mass media.
Mann is convinced that the real aim of this charter is promoting world communism under the new “global sustainable community” label. He outlines a series of quotations from Gorbachev’s books and speeches that could prove he is right. In 1987, Gorbachev wrote in a book published in several languages: “In October 1917 we have definitely broken with the old world. We are approaching a new world, the communist world. We will never leave this road.” Worldwide ecological menaces, Gorbachev said in 1988, show that all nations are interdependent and that the world needs an incontestable authority and an international ecological court of justice. “We need a planetary ecological revolution of our minds”, Gorbachev said in 2007. This is also the program of the German Greens. Their aim is an “ecological revolution” that puts an end to the era of cheap energy and wealth growth. The program of the German Greens reproduces the plan of Henry Morgenthau drafted by Soviet secret agent Harry Dexter White in 1944 in order to destroy the German economy, Mann says. He refers to books from Green leaders Joschka Fischer and Jürgen Trittin who claim “sufficiency” and “global equity”, i.e. high prices for fuel and other commodities as well as “sustainable mobility” by car sharing and heavy road pricing must become the guiding principles of the economy. These propositions were integrated already in 1997 in Angela Merkel’s government program.
Yet there is no real scarcity of raw materials, no real climate crisis and no necessity of resource rationing, Mann underlines. In spite of the “Peak Oil” projections published by the Club of Rome and others crude oil and coal supplies continue growing. And there is absolutely no scientific proof of a negative effect of the carbon dioxide produced by the combustion of these fuels. On the contrary: More CO2 in the atmosphere is pushing plant growth and is leading to better crop yields and thus more cheap food for poor people, Mann points out.
Mann supposes that the strong disarmament and anti-nuclear movement in Germany was organized by soviet agents in order to weaken the NATO and to maintain Germany’s dependence on Russian gas and oil supplies. He mentions that Iwan T. Frolow, Gorbachev’s chief ideologue, was participating in 1989 together with the Green leader Jutta von Ditfurth and the Maoist physicist Jens Scheer in a big anti-nuclear meeting in Northern Germany. (But there are other conspiracy theories asserting that Petra Kelly, one of the founders of the German Greens, was specially trained for her job by the Ford and the Rockefeller Foundations in order to weaken American industry’s strongest competitors.)
One chapter of Mann’s book is entirely dedicated to Maurice Strong and his NGO infantry fighting against free enterprise. Canadian Strong who was since 1971 trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation, secretary general of the two main UN environment conferences in Stockholm 1972 and Rio 1992, Vice president of the Worldwide Fund for Nature (WWF), special adviser of the World Bank, president of the World Resources Institute (Washington), vice president World Economic Forum (Davos, Switzerland) and so on, has never hidden his profound Maoist convictions. He was always engaged in favour of the People’s Republic of China and against US interests all over the world. (For this reason China is still excepted from Kyoto obligations.) He is one of the principal promoters of the “ecological footprint”, an index for measuring man’s environment impact which is leading to blame the wealthy Western nations of all sorts of sins and claiming their impoverishment by global wealth redistribution in order to save the world.
“Agenda 21” adopted on the Rio summit in 1992 was the first fruit of the close cooperation between Maurice Strong, Mikhail Gorbachev and NGOs sponsored by the Ford and the Rockefeller Foundations. Torsten Mann reports that “Agenda 21” was preceded in 1977 by a much more radical program under the title “The unfinished Agenda” (Ed. Gerald O. Barney). The drafting of this document by William D. Ruckelshaus, William O. Reilly, Dennis Meadows (Club of Rome) and Murray Bookshin was sponsored by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. “Agenda 21” appears as a light version of the older Agenda which presented clearly the aims of global birth control, global rationing of energy, food and fresh water, and reduction of private consumption by socialist planning. Strong birth control and an important overall shrinking of the world population, defended by John D. Rockefeller III himself in 1974 at the third world population conference in Bucharest (Romania), is another goal of “Agenda 21”. Instead of open coercion, “Agenda 21” is proposing rather subtle methods like the erosion of the family and other proven institutions by “Gender Mainstreaming” and the growing transformation of women from housewives into wage-earners (which was already claimed by Marx and Engels in the “Communist Manifesto”).
In “Agenda 21” attacks on free enterprise remain rather mild. The Climate Framework Convention adopted in 1992 and the Kyoto Protocol from 1997, viewed with regard to the older hidden agenda, can nevertheless be considered as first steps to a global planned economy, Mann says. In the global governance system installed by the Kyoto treaty NGOs can act like a private police of a virtual world state. In order to confirm this conclusion, Mann mentions an older study published in 1973 under the title “The Use of Land: A Citizen’s Policy Guide to Urban Growth” which was worked out by a commission presided by Laurence D. Rockefeller and was also financed by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. This document says private land ownership, protected by the US constitution, appears obsolete with regard to biodiversity conservation and pleads for public restrictions of owners’ rights on the basis of the precautionary principle which implies a reversal of proof. This abolition of an important legal principle was reproduced later on in the UN biodiversity convention. But fortunately the Rockefellers, Mikhail Gorbachev and Maurice Strong didn’t manage to get their “Earth Charter” project adopted in 1992. They had to rewrite their copy. So there is still no legal basis for world communism.
But the stable coalition between big finance as well as red and green revolutionaries against small and medium enterprises and against individual freedom continues its zealous work. The draft charter presented in 2000 has still many chances to be adopted by the UN one day. Torsten Mann notes that some passages of the “Earth Charter” sound like totalitarian hubris or even like blackmail. For instance this part of the preamble: “To move forward we must recognize that in the midst of a magnificent diversity of cultures and life forms we are one human family and one Earth community with a common destiny. We must join together to bring forth a sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, universal human rights, economic justice, and a culture of peace. Towards this end, it is imperative that we, the peoples of Earth, declare our responsibility to one another, to the greater community of life, and to future generations.” This approach, Mann is supposing, will not lead the world to ever lasting peace but to the Apocalypse described in the New Testament of the Bible. (11 August 2009)
Edgar L. Gärtner